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Die Federale Buro vir Ondersoek (FBI) is 'n federale gefinansierde intelligensie -agentskap en is die belangrikste bron van ondersoekhulpbronne vir die VSA. Sy leuse is "Fidelity, Bravery, Integrity." Sy hoofkwartier is in Washington, DCDie buro se geboorteIn 1908 is die buro gebore as 'n mag van spesiale agente, wat deur die prokureur -generaal Charles Bonaparte tydens die presidentskap van Theodore Roosevelt geskep is. Aan die begin het die Buro vir Ondersoek hoofsaaklik mans gewerf wat vorige ondervinding in wetstoepassing gehad het. Federale misdade was nie 'n groot probleem in die land toe die buro begin is nie. Die algemeenste oortredings wat die buro se aandag geniet het, was nasionale bankbedrog, grondbedrog, verskillende vorme van slawerny en afpersing.In Junie 1910 word die Mann ("White Slave") -wet 'n belangrike hulpmiddel vir die buro. Die Buro vir Ondersoek het ook die Mann -wet gebruik om die Ku Klux Klan "Imperial Kleagle" van Louisiana voor die gereg te bring. In 1912 het die voormalige spesiale ondersoeker, Bruce Bielaski, die nuwe hoof van die buro geword.Van 1912 tot 1914 het die Buro vir Ondersoek ongeveer 300 spesiale agente in diens geneem van verskillende federale misdade, asook meer as 300 ander kantoorpersoneel wat ondersteuning en logistiek aan veldagente. Alhoewel hierdie buiteposte hoofsaaklik in groter stede geplaas is, het die vraag na 'n teenwoordigheid naby die Mexikaanse grens gou duidelik geword en het die plasing van buiteposte in kleiner grensdorpe gedwing om verskillende gevalle van onwettige smokkel te ondersoek. Van 1921 tot 1933 was die kantoor dikwels in stryd met 'n gefrustreerde publiek. Gedurende die sogenaamde 'wettelose jare' het baie Amerikaners die stigting van 'n verbod weerstaan, terwyl ander by ekstremistiese politiek betrokke was. Aanvalle op speakeasies (nagklubs wat alkohol bedien) en die gebruik van lokfees -talkies het die arrestasie van baie bootleggers (alkoholsmokkelaars) teweeggebring tydens die verbod.Sulke wetteloosheid het sy oorsprong in georganiseerde misdaad, en die buro was diep betrokke by die uitwissing daarvan. Die gevangeneming van misdadigers soos "Machine Gun" Kelly, bankrower John Dillinger en "Baby Face" Nelson het dringend prioriteite geword en die buro het openbare respek gekry in hul rol om die boewe af te haal.Die Hoover -jareOp 10 Mei 1924 word die 26-jarige J. Edgar Hoover die direkteur van die buro. Hy stig 'n spesiale agentskapsopleidingsakademie met 'n minimum toegangsleeftyd tussen 25 en 35 jaar, en teen die einde van die twintigerjare het hy die koördinering van alle veldkantore met sentrale lêers met vingerafdrukke versmelt. het die FBI Wetenskaplike Misdaadopsporingslaboratorium geopen (ook bekend as die Buro lei ook staats- en plaaslike misdaadlaboratoriums en wetstoepassers van regoor die land op by die FBI Akademie in Quantico, Virginia.Vanaf die veertigerjare het die kantoor gevalle van spioenasie in die Amerikaanse teikens aangepak wat deur die FBI -agente in die middestad geneem is. Die FBI het baie sulke teen -intelligensieprogramme begin, begin in die 1950's. ¹ Sedert 1949 was die FBI se lys met tien gewildste vlugtelinge tot beskikking van agente om saam met ander wetstoepassingsagentskappe en die algemene publiek te werk om gevaarlike vlugtelinge te vang. het 'COINTELPRO' ('n akroniem vir teen -intelligensiedienste) gevorm om politieke dissidente in die Verenigde State tussen 1956 en 1971 te "neutraliseer". Toe COINTELPRO in 1971 onthul word, het die kantoor sy bedrywighede gestaak. Oor sy dekades as direkteur het Hoover ongelukkig baie van die hulpbronne van die agentskap wat onskuldige sosialiste en ander diverse politieke aktiviste ondersoek - wat in die proses gereeld groot lêers oor individue versamel. Bekende Amerikaners soos Eleanor Roosevelt, wat die dikste persoonlike lêer gehad het, en Martin Luther King Jr., was die onderwerp van die ondersoek van die regisseur.Na HooverGeorganiseerde misdaad voel steeds die FBI se meedoënlose druk. Giancana was 'n voormalige bestuurder en huurmoordenaar vir die opvolger van Al Capone, Frank "The Enforcer" Nitti, een van die gangsters wat deur die CIA gewerf is om die Kubaanse president Fidel Castro te vermoor. Weens sy hoë profiel-lewenstyl en intense toesig deur die FBI, is Giancana deur die maffia onttroon en later in sy huis in Illinois vermoor in Junie 1975 by sy terugkeer uit die ballingskap in Mexiko. 'N Helling van ander FBI-ondersoeke gedurende die sewentigerjare en tagtigerjare het die mag van die Mafia ietwat afgestomp. In 'n 51 dae lange stryd buite Waco, Texas, in 1993, het die FBI, ATF (Buro vir Alkohol, Tabak en Vuurwapens) en Texas Rangers sonder sukses probeer om tak Davidians te red wat vermoedelik as gyselaar gehou word deur hul leier, David Koresh, in hul kompleks met die naam Mount Carmel. Die FBI het hul gyselaarsreddingspan (HRT) en spesiale agent in beheer (SAC) van die kantoor in San Antonio in diens geneem om terroriste-taktiek op Koresh uit te voer. prokureur -generaal Janet Reno het die gebruik van chloorbenzylideen malononitril (CS) gas goedgekeur om die verdedigers van die verbinding te neutraliseer. Die ATF en FBI is later beskuldig van oormatige geweld in wat begin het as 'n ondersoek na Koresh se "geweerbesigheid", en het geëindig in 'n onverbeterlike brand en die dood van die meeste aanhangers in die kompleks. Na verneem word, is die vermeende spioen deur 'n moljagspan blootgestel. Op 24 Februarie 1994 is Aldrich Ames, 'n 31-jarige veteraan van die Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), deur die FBI in Arlington, Virginia, aangekeer op aanklagte van spioenasie. Ames het vir die Russe gespioeneer sedert 1985. Die 21ste eeu en die gebeure van 11 September 2001 het nog 'n soort geweld op die voorgrond gebring, en die FBI moes sy tegnieke teen terrorisme aanpas en aanpas om sulke bedreigings te hanteer . Die nuwe wet, afkomstig van die George W. Bush -administrasie, laat spesiale agente toe om moontlike terrorismeselle of -aktiwiteite te monitor deur middel van afluister- sowel as internetaktiwiteit, onder andere.Direkteure sedert HooverDie FBI het 'n lang opeenvolging van direkteure sedert Hoover se dood in 1973, wat elkeen bydraes tot die buro gelewer het. Met die modernisering van die buro het Kelley ook arbitrêre ondersoeke bekamp en begin om meer vroue en minderhede toe te laat om by die spesiale agent geledere aan te sluit.Kelley was die voorsitter van die buro tot 1978, toe William H. Sessions ook beleide geïmplementeer het om die aantal vroue en minderhede in die buro te verhoog. In 1993 het president Bill Clinton Sessions verwerp te midde van bewerings van onetiese optrede. Mueller, III.AfsluitingDeur die jare was die Federale Buro vir Ondersoek betrokke by die ondersoek en vang van baie van die mees verraderlike misdadigers in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis. Die FBI bly 'n ontwikkelende federale buro met die wydste gesag en jurisdiksie van enige federale wetstoepassingsagentskap.
¹ 'n Betroubare persoon wat in 'n pos werk met geklassifiseerde inligting, wat deur 'n buitelandse spioenasie -agentskap gehuur is.
² Sien Julius en Ethel Rosenberg.
Meer oor FBI -spioenasie
Die FBI het 'n lang geskiedenis van misbruik van sy nasionale toesigbevoegdhede. Die moontlikheid van mishandeling is weereens groot, veral aangesien die skeidings tussen kriminele ondersoeke en buitelandse intelligensie -operasies sedert 9/11 vervaag of uitgewis is. As gevolg hiervan word indringende toesiginstrumente wat oorspronklik ontwikkel is om Sowjet -spioene te rig, toenemend teen Amerikaners gebruik.
COINTELPRO. Tydens die Koue Oorlog het die FBI 'n program vir binnelandse intelligensie/teenintelligensie genaamd COINTELPRO bestuur, wat vinnig ontwikkel het uit 'n wettige poging om die nasionale veiligheid teen vyandige buitelandse bedreigings te beskerm tot 'n poging om binnelandse politieke onenigheid te onderdruk deur 'n verskeidenheid onwettige aktiwiteite. COINTELPRO het talle nie-gewelddadige protesgroepe en politieke dissidente geteiken met onwettige afluisters, ongegronde fisiese soektogte en 'n verskeidenheid ander vuil truuks. Die FBI het die inligting wat hy uit hierdie onbehoorlike ondersoeke verkry het, nie vir wetstoepassingsdoeleindes gebruik nie, maar om 'n huwelik te verbreek, vergaderings te ontwrig, persone uit hul beroepe te verdryf en teikengroepe tot wedywerings uit te lok wat tot sterftes kan lei. Die Kerkkomitee, 'n Senaatskomitee wat COINTELPRO in die sewentigerjare ondersoek het, het bevind dat 'n kombinasie van faktore daartoe gelei het dat wetstoepassers wetsoortreders word. Een faktor was hul opvatting dat tradisionele wetstoepassingsmetodes ondoeltreffend was om die veiligheidsbedreigings waarmee hulle te kampe het, aan te spreek. 'N Ander is die maklike toegang tot skadelike persoonlike inligting as gevolg van' die onbeperkte versameling van binnelandse intelligensie '. Ongelukkig is hierdie faktore vandag weer almal teenwoordig, aangesien die FBI probeer om homself te omskep in 'n interne intelligensie -agentskap wat daarop gemik is om toekomstige terreurdade te voorkom.
Hervormings ongedaan gemaak. Die blootstelling van die kerkkomitee aan die misbruik van die FBI se COINTELPRO het gelei tot 'n reeks hervormings, waaronder wette wat ontwerp is om die regering se toesig en interne riglyne te reguleer (die riglyne van die prokureur -generaal) wat die ondersoekbeampte van die FBI beperk en die reëls wat wetstoepassings bepaal, bepaal. Hierdie redelike perke is sedert 9/11 laat vaar of geïgnoreer, maar deur middel van wetgewing soos die USA Patriot Act, deur wysigings aan die AG -riglyne en deur 'n uitbreiding van kragtige Joint Terrorism Task Forces (JTTF) wat bykans geen publiek werk nie. aanspreeklikheid.
Patriot -wet. Met die inwerkingtreding van die USA Patriot Act Congress het die FBI die bevoegdheid uitgebrei om geheime eise te stel vir persoonlike inligting en rekords oor nie net vermeende terroriste of spioene nie, maar oor enigiemand wat die FBI slegs as 'relevant' geag het vir 'n FBI -ondersoek. Nie verrassend nie, bevestig 'n reeks van vyf oudits deur die inspekteur -generaal van die departement van justisie wydverspreide wanbestuur, misbruik en misbruik van die FBI, wat nou meer dikwels as nie gebruik word om Amerikaners te teiken nie. Vir meer inligting oor die Patriot Act, sien die uitgebreide bladsy van die ACLU oor die kwessie.
Riglyne vir prokureur -generaal. Die AG -riglyne het onder die Bush -administrasie vier afsonderlike veranderings ondergaan, wat alles aan die FBI groter toesigowerhede gegee het met 'n verminderde toesig. Prokureur -generaal John Ashcroft het die riglyne vir die eerste keer in 2002 gewysig om die ondersoektegnieke wat die FBI tydens voorlopige ondersoeke kan gebruik, uit te brei (wat minder bewys van oortreding vereis as 'n volledige ondersoek), en om die tydsbeperking tot 180 dae te verhoog met die moontlikheid van twee of meer uitbreidings van 90 dae. Die Ashcroft -riglyne het FBI -agente ook toegelaat om 'enige plek te besoek en 'n geleentheid by te woon wat vir die publiek oop is, op dieselfde voorwaardes as lede van die publiek in die algemeen'. Die FBI beweer later dat hierdie gesag nie vereis dat die FBI -agente wat openbare vergaderings bywoon, hulself as regeringsamptenare moet identifiseer nie.
In 'n poging om kommer uit te druk dat die FBI hierdie uitgebreide gesag sou misbruik deur aktiwiteite wat deur die Eerste Wysiging beskerm word, te rig, het Robert Mueller, direkteur van FBI, in 2002 aan die kongres gesê dat die FBI nie planne het om moskees te infiltreer nie. Tog was daar in die daaropvolgende jare 'n skerp toename in die FBI se omstrede gebruik van informante as agente provokateur in godsdienstige omgewings, insluitend in Miami, New York en Noord- en Suid -Kalifornië. In 2009 verdedig direkteur Mueller hierdie taktiek en sê dat die FBI nie 'sy voet van die pedaal sal afhaal om terrorisme aan te spreek nie'.
In 2005 het die inspekteur-generaal (IG) van die departement van justisie die FBI se nakoming van die AG-riglyne nagegaan en beduidende tekortkominge gevind: 53 % van die geouditeerde voorlopige navrae wat na die aanvanklike magtigingstydperk van 180 dae strek, bevat nie die nodige dokumentasie wat die verlenging magtig nie, en 77% van diegene wat oor die eerste verlengingsperiode van 90 dae gestrek het, het nie die nodige magtiging gehad nie. Die IG kon egter nie vasstel of of hoe gereeld agente openbare geleenthede bygewoon het nie, omdat die FBI nie daarin kon rekord hou nie.
Die laaste en mees dramatiese veranderinge aan die AG -riglyne is in Desember 2008 aangebring, in die laaste maand van die amp. Die destydse prokureur-generaal Michael Mukasey het nuwe riglyne ingestel wat die FBI gemagtig het om ondersoeke te doen wat 'assesserings' genoem word, sonder dat 'n feitelike predikaat vereis word wat daarop dui dat die doel van die ondersoek betrokke is by onwettige aktiwiteite of bedreigings vir die nasionale veiligheid. Die Mukasey -riglyne stel die FBI in staat om tydens hierdie assesserings 'n aantal indringende ondersoektegnieke te gebruik, insluitend fisiese toesig, die opsporing van data uit kommersiële databasisse, werwing en opdrag van informante om vergaderings onder valse voorwendsels by te woon en deel te neem aan 'voorwendsel' -onderhoude waarin FBI -agente hul identiteit verkeerd voorstel om inligting te verkry. 'Evaluerings' kan selfs teen 'n individu uitgevoer word bloot om te bepaal of hy of sy 'n geskikte FBI -informant sou wees. Niks in die nuwe AG -riglyne beskerm heeltemal onskuldige Amerikaners om sonder goeie rede deur die FBI ondersoek te word nie. Die nuwe riglyne gee uitdruklik toestemming vir die toesig en infiltrasie van vreedsame voorspraakgroepe voor demonstrasies, en dit verbied nie duidelik die gebruik van ras, godsdiens of nasionale oorsprong as faktore vir die aanvang van assesserings nie.
Gebruik van ras en etnisiteit. 'N Interne FBI -gids vir die implementering van die nuwe AG -riglyne, genaamd die Domestic Investigations and Operations Guide (DIOG), bevat verrassende onthullings oor hoe die FBI ras en etnisiteit gebruik om assesserings en ondersoeke uit te voer. Eerstens sê die DIOG dat ondersoek- en intelligensie -versamelingsaktiwiteite nie 'slegs op ras' moet berus nie. Maar die Departement van Justisie se 2003 -leiding oor die gebruik van ras in federale wetstoepassing, wat bindend is vir die FBI, sê dat ras nie in enige mate gebruik kan word nie, afwesig van 'n spesifieke onderwerpbeskrywing. Daar is 'n groot verskil tussen die gebruik van ras as a faktor en die gebruik van ras as die sool faktor.
Boonop beskryf die DIOG dan die gemagtigde gebruik van ras en etnisiteit vir FBI -agente, wat die volgende insluit:
Dit is moeilik om te dink hoe 'n Amerikaanse wetstoepassingsagentskap dit sou oorweeg om die demografie van rasse en etniese gemeenskappe in te samel en in kaart te bring as 'n gepaste gebruik van sy hulpbronne (of, in ooreenstemming met sy verpligting om nie net Amerikaanse burgerregte te volg nie, maar ook toe te pas). Trouens, in 2007 het die Los Angeles -polisiekantoor 'n soortgelyke plan laat vaar om die Moslem -gemeenskap van LA in kaart te bring in die lig van openbare verontwaardiging. Die FBI betwis sterk 'n verslag van 2007 van Jeff Stein van Congressional Quarterly dat die FBI die falafelverkope van San Francisco gevolg het om Iraanse terroriste te probeer vind, maar die DIOG bevestig beslis dat die FBI etniese gedrag en etnies-georiënteerde ondernemings as billike teikens beskou (en Stein staan by sy verhaal).
Data -ontginning. Die FBI vee ongelooflike hoeveelhede inligting oor onskuldige Amerikaners op deur middel van ongekontroleerde data -insameling en data -ontginning programme. Volgens dokumente wat in 2009 deur die tydskrif Wired verkry is, het 'n arm van die FBI, genaamd die National Security Branch Analysis Center (NSAC), 1,5 miljard rekords van openbare en private bronne versamel tydens 'n massiewe data -ontginning. Die rekords wat deur die FBI ingesamel is, sluit in finansiële rekords van korporatiewe databasisse, soos hotel- en huurmotormaatskappye, miljoene "verdagte aktiwiteitsverslae" van finansiële instellings, miljoene rekords van kommersiële data-versamelaars, 'n menigte wetstoepassers en nie-wetstoepassers. en openbare inligting verkry uit telefoonboeke en nuusartikels. Die NSAC -rekords bevat data van die FBI se Investigative Data Warehouse, wat in 'n verslag van die inspekteur -generaal van die departement van justisie geïdentifiseer is as die bewaarplek vir inligting wat deur die FBI versamel is deur National Security Letters (NSLs) en onwettige dringende briewe.
Ons uiteenlopende, gespesialiseerde professionele spanne hou ons gemeenskappe en ons land veilig.
Ontwikkel en ontplooi ondersoekinstrumente en tegnologieë om Amerika veilig te hou.
Skep, vang en publiseer waardevolle inligting binne en buite die FBI.
Ry die missie van die FBI vorentoe deur kritiese ondersteuning en analise.
Bou en onderhou stelsels en liggings om te verseker dat die FBI aan die behoeftes van die land kan voldoen.
Gee raad, navorsing en assessering om die FBI se aktiwiteite, gereedskap en tegnieke in te lig.
Gebruik u mediese en beradingsdeskundigheid om operasies te ondersteun en verseker dat FBI -personeel fisies en sielkundig voorbereid is op hul missies.
Implementeer en adviseer oor veilige prosesse en prosedures om FBI -personeel en fasiliteite veilig te hou.
Die FBI en die Kommunistiese Party
Het waarnemers in die vyftigerjare geweet wat hulle geleer het sedert die sewentigerjare, toe die Wet op die Vryheid van Inligting die lêers van die Buro oopgemaak het, sou ‘MCCarthyism ’ waarskynlik 'Hooverisme' genoem word. '” Geskiedenisprofessor Ellen Schrecker
Gedurende die lang ampstermyn van J. Edgar Hoover as direkteur, was die FBI baie suksesvol in die spioenasie van organisasies wat vyandig was teenoor die belange van die Verenigde State, waaronder die Ku Klux Klan en die Nazi- en Kommunistiese partye. Hoover word in die hoofstroomgeskiedenisboeke gedemoniseer, omdat die linkse aktiviste wat die meeste handboeke skryf, kwaad is vir sy pogings teen een van die drie organisasies.
Om een of ander onbekende rede is kollege-professore en ander linkse ekstremiste geneig om anti-anti-kommuniste te wees, onverbiddelik vyandig teenoor almal wat ooit in enige hoedanigheid teen die kommunisme geveg het. In hierdie geval sou J. Edgar Hoover baie meer simpatieke behandeling in die geskiedenisboeke kry as hy sy pogings tot ondermyning tot die KKK en die Nazi's beperk het.
Kontraspioenasie in die Tweede Wêreldoorlog
Die FBI het 'n lang geskiedenis van die opbreek van geheime samelewings wat vyandig is teenoor Amerikaanse belange. Voordat die VSA selfs in oorlog was met Nazi -Duitsland, het die FBI byvoorbeeld die Frederick Duquesne -spioenasiering ontdek en geïnfiltreer, en selfs 'n FBI -mol gehad wat die kortgolfradiostasie bestuur waardeur die Nazi -spioene met hul base in Berlyn gekommunikeer het!
Toe president Franklin Roosevelt sy berugte uitvoerende bevel 9066 uitgereik het, waarin Amerikaanse burgers van Japannese afkoms in interneringskampe gedwing is, word die stap ondersteun deur liberale ikone soos Earl Warren en Hugo Black, en teëgestaan deur J. Edgar Hoover.
Hoover het aan die president gesê dat die oorgrote meerderheid Japannese Amerikaners lojale Amerikaners was, en dat as hy ontrou was, hy daarvan sou geweet het. Die interneringsbevel was onnodig, het hy gesê, omdat sy agente die Japannese-Amerikaners en Duits-Amerikaners geïdentifiseer het wat 'n bedreiging vir die VSA lank voor die oorlog begin het, en feitlik almal in hegtenis geneem het binne 48 uur na die Pearl Harbor-aanval.
As spioenasie 'n slegte ding is
Moenie verwag dat linksgesinde geskiedenisonderwysers Hoover die eer sal gee dat hulle Japanse internering teenstaan nie. Sy 'misdade', in die oë van die tipiese professor in grys poniestert, is te groot om enige versagting moontlik te maak.
Professor Eric Foner, byvoorbeeld, kla in sy eerstejaarsgeskiedenishandboek dat Washington DC in die 1950's 'n stad was wat geteister is met spionage, agterdog en laster deur gerugte en as hy sê “spy, ” dit is nie die wydverspreide Sowjet -spioenasie van daardie era waaroor hy kla nie. In die 1950's spioeneer FBI -agente en informante op die Kommunistiese Party terwyl lede van die Kommunistiese Party die Amerikaanse regering bespied. Linkses soos dr. Foner het die FBI bitter gegrief omdat hy op die spioene gespioeneer het.
Professor Ellen Schrecker het Hoover se FBI beskryf as die belangrikste komponent van die anti-kommunistiese kruistog, en sy bedoel dit nie as 'n kompliment nie. Soos die meeste geskiedenisprofessionele, veroordeel sy Joseph McCarthy omdat hy 'n "heksejag" uitgevoer het, vermoedelik sonder bewyse van kommunistiese spioenasie, en veroordeel Hoover daarna omdat hy McCarthy presies die bewyse gegee het wat McCarthy nooit gehad het nie.
En Hoover het baie bewyse gelewer.
Die FBI en die CPUSA
Die FBI het uit baie bronne inligting gekry oor die anti-Amerikaanse aktiwiteite van die Communist Party USA (CPUSA). FBI -agente het toegang tot die Venona -projek ontsyfer van boodskappe tussen die Sowjet -regering en sy netwerk van spioene in die VSA. Hulle het nou saamgewerk met afvalliges van die CPUSA, waaronder die voormalige spionmeesters Elizabeth Bentley en Whittaker Chambers. Die indrukwekkendste was dat FBI -agente en medewerkers die party kon infiltreer en die aktiwiteite van binne af kon monitor.
Die taktiek wat die FBI in staat gestel het om Nazi -spioenasies tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog te infiltreer en te monitor, het ewe goed gewerk teen die Kommunistiese Party. In 1942 het die FBI byvoorbeeld 'n skoonheidskundige met die naam Mary Markward gewerf om die Washington DC -tak van CPUSA te infiltreer. Markward quickly rose through the ranks to become the Party’s treasurer, which gave her access to the party’s membership rolls and other records.
For several years every dues check and Daily Worker subscription in the DC area went through Mrs. Markward’s hands, including several from Government employees, who were forbidden by federal law to be Communist Party members. She spent seven years as a mole in the Party before health problems forced her to retire. Two years later she testified before the House Committee on Un-American Activities.
And it wasn’t just the local Party offices that were infiltrated Hoover had spies inside the national party headquarters as well. Morris Childs, the most noteworthy example, was a charter member of CPUSA who grew disillusioned with the party as he learned of Stalin’s various atrocities. In 1947 Childs suffered a debilitating heart attack, and the cold response of his Party comrades made him ripe for recruitment as an FBI agent.
In the mid-1950’s Childs’ health improved, and he resumed his activities in the Communist Party, while secretly reporting to the FBI. By the early 1960’s Childs was the number two man in CPUSA, reporting directly to Party Chairman Gus Hall. He traveled frequently to Moscow before and during the Vietnam War to meet with high ranking Soviet officials including General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev. 3 During his tenure he and his brother Jack smuggled thirty million dollars in Soviet money into the United States for the CPUSA. J. Edgar Hoover, of course, received reports detailing every dollar of it.
Hoover also got reports on Soviet support for the Communist forces fighting Americans in Vietnam, on the communications between Brezhnev’s government and Communist-controlled “Peace” groups in the US, and on every other Cold War era subject of any interest to the American side.
What the Files Reveal
Hoover’s agents kept detailed files on Communist agents operating in this country. Many of these files have now been released to the public in response to Freedom of Information Act requests, and some of them contain information painfully embarrassing to college history professors and other leftwing activists.
Frank Marshal Davis, for example, was a political activist who served as a political mentor for current US President Barack Obama. Davis’ relationship with the young future President has been confirmed both by right wing critics of the President, and by left wing supporters like Gerald Horne and Professor John Edgar Tidwell as well as by the Associated Press. 4 Many leftists portray Davis’ connection to the Communist Party as mere rumor-mongering by right wing zealots, but the undeniable truth is right there in Davis’ FBI file. Frank Marshal Davis was a Communist. He carried Communist Party membership card #47544. His wife Helen’s membership card was #62109.
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Professor Howard Zinn, to cite one more example, wrote the million-selling history textbook A People’s History of the United States, which is, unfortunately, required reading for students in high schools and universities around the nation. Professor Foner has praised Zinn’s cartoonish book as a masterpiece written “with an enthusiasm rarely encountered in the leaden prose of academic history,” and said more specifically that Zinn’s thirty-four pages of slander against the Vietnam era US military “should be required reading for a new generation of students.” 5 Professor Zinn was a Communist Party member for most of his life, as his FBI file clearly shows.
It’s no wonder that anti-anti-Communists in this country have always hated J. Edgar Hoover. His agents and their tactics were a Communist’s worst nightmare.
1 Eric Foner, Give Me Liberty (Volume II, 2006 edition), p. 801
2 Ellen Schrecker. 1998. Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Boston: Little, Brown p. 239
3 Paul Kengor, Dupes, ISI Books 2010, pp. 282, 283
4 Ibid., pp. 446-452
5 Howard Zinn, A People’s History of the United States, Harper Perennial Modern Classics 2003, back cover
FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin
Since 1935, the FBI has provided information on current law enforcement issues and research in the field to the larger policing community through the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin. Just as the FBI has adapted over the years to address the changing needs of the criminal justice community, the Bulletin continues changing to reach a more mobile and widespread audience. The current issue of the Bulletin will be the final hard-copy edition, ending nearly 80 years in that format.
Die Bulletin will continue to deliver peer-reviewed articles submitted by a wide range of authorities, including subject matter experts, national security liaisons, officers and agents in the field, and legal instruction advisors. Beginning January 2013, these articles will be available exclusively online at http://www.fbi.gov. A brief history of the Bulletin explains its effort to help law enforcement professionals better understand and combat security threats facing the United States and protect and defend citizens.
In October 1932, the Bureau of Investigation began publishing a monthly magazine of fugitive write-ups titled Fugitives Wanted by Police. In October 1935, after the Bureau of Investigation became the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the publication was renamed the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin and added brief articles noting advances in police science to its fugitive write-ups. As the 1930s continued to witness a renaissance of American policing marked by increased professionalism and growth of the forensic sciences, the Bulletin served as a primary resource for disseminating information throughout the law enforcement community.
Forties and Fifties
After the attack on Pearl Harbor, the United States joined the Allied war effort against the Axis Powers. Like all segments of society, policing changed dramatically during the war years. Throughout the war era, the Bulletin provided law enforcement officials with information related to national defense, scientific aids, and police training. As the American economy expanded during the postwar years, unparalleled growth led to profound changes for the law enforcement community. In its pages the Bulletin addressed the major issues of the time, including rising levels of juvenile delinquency and policing’s role in maintaining national security.
Sixties and Seventies
In the 1960s, the Bulletin chronicled a decade of intense social change. In addition to advances in the forensic sciences, articles focused on such topics as the growing drug culture and police response to civil disturbances.
During the 1970s, the Bulletin featured articles that promoted the evolving emphasis on education in policing, as well as changes in tactics and hiring practices embraced by the nation’s law enforcement agencies.
Eighties and Nineties
During the 1980s, the Bulletin further established itself as a primary training resource for law enforcement administrators in agencies throughout the nation and the world. During the decade, the Bulletin featured articles on a broad array of scientific, technological, and strategic advances that would prove to have a dramatic affect on law enforcement. In the 1990s, the Bulletin embraced new technologies to reach a wider and more diverse readership. In 1991 it became one of the first law enforcement-related publications to go online and provide electronic versions of the magazine for viewing on the Internet.
Today and the Future
Today the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin remains one of the most widely read law enforcement-related publications in the world. Each month law enforcement administrators in more than 105 countries receive copies. Given the high “pass-around” rate of the printed copies, as well as its online presence, the Bulletin has an estimated readership of over 200,000 criminal justice professionals each month.
Die Bulletin has become an extension of the work of the FBI Training Division. While the FBI hosts over 3,000 law enforcement specialists each year at the Training Academy at Quantico, many others within the criminal justice system have benefited from the information shared by subject matter experts from all aspects of the law enforcement community who have provided information and instruction in the pages of the Bulletin.
Its mission remains strong—to inform, educate, and broaden the criminal justice community’s understanding of current issues facing law enforcement. For 80 years the Bulletin has served this community and will continue to do so in the challenging days ahead through its website, https://leb.fbi.gov/.
FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin Cover Montage
The cover montage on the following pages primarily highlights covers from the last 30 years. Die Fugitives Wanted by Police covers from 1932 to September 1935 featured only text. The magazine changed its name to the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin in October 1935 and began including pictures of a fugitive on the cover until June 1938. From July 1938 until June 1965, the cover featured only logos. The first photographic covers began with the July 1965 issue, which featured a picture of former FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover. Those covers were either duotone or black and white until the first full-color cover appeared on the January 1989 issue. There are plans to eventually scan and reprint the contents on the magazine’s website of every issue of the magazine, including covers, going back to October 1932. Updates on the progress of this project will be posted on the site.
Organization, Mission and Functions Manual: Federal Bureau of Investigation
In 1908 Attorney General Charles Joseph Bonaparte issued an Order creating an investigative agency within the Department of Justice. The Order was confirmed in 1909 by Attorney General George W. Wickersham, who ordered the establishment of the Bureau of Investigation. The present name, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), was designated by Congress in 1935.
The mission of the FBI is to protect and defend the United States against terrorist and foreign intelligence threats, to uphold and enforce the criminal laws of the United States, and to provide leadership and criminal justice services to federal, state, municipal, and international agencies and partners and to perform these responsibilities in a manner that is responsive to the needs of the public and is faithful to the Constitution of the United States.
Ahmed Ferhani, who was bipolar with a low IQ, was arrested for planning an attack on a synagogue in Manhattan in 2011 along with his friend Mohamed Mamdouh.
The NYPD ran the sting in this case and had been aware of Ferhani for years because his mother had to call the police when he had manic episodes as a teenager.
This is one of several instances where local police departments colluded with federal investigators. In Ferhani&rsquos case, federal authorities declined to pursue the case.
His lawyers argued that Ferhani was entrapped to justify the NYPD&rsquos surveillance of Muslims.
Prison officers pushed client to suicide, lawyer of mentally-ill Muslim inmate tells RThttps://t.co/OyjVYpcIyqpic.twitter.com/pu1PPTGAL7&mdash RT America (@RT_America) April 14, 2016
Ferhani was introduced in 2010 to Ilter Ayturk, who was an undercover cop. It was Ayturk who gave the two the idea to carry out an attack and encouraged Ferhani to make anti-Semitic remarks. He told Ferhani about Palestine and blamed Jewish people, encouraging Ferhani to do the same.
Ferhani met another agent pretending to be a weapons dealer, giving him $100 for ammunition, a grenade, and three semi-automatic pistols.
Ferhani was sentenced to 10 years in prison, where he attempted suicide after being abused by guards.
The abuse was so bad that he had to have 12 staples in his head following one incident and was left in a coma after his suicide attempt, AP reports.
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)
The U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) began monitoring Martin Luther King, Jr., in December 1955, during his involvement with the Montgomery bus boycott, and engaged in covert operations against him throughout the 1960s. FBI director J. Edgar Hoover was personally hostile toward King, believing that the civil rights leader was influenced by Communists. This animosity increased after April 1964, when King called the FBI “completely ineffectual in resolving the continued mayhem and brutality inflicted upon the Negro in the deep South” (King, 23 April 1964). Under the FBI’s domestic counterintelligence program (COINTELPRO) King was subjected to various kinds of FBI surveillance that produced alleged evidence of extramarital affairs, though no evidence of Communist influence.
The FBI was created in 1909 as the Justice Department’s unit to investigate federal crimes. Hoover became FBI director in 1924 and served until his death in 1972. Throughout the 1930s the FBI’s role expanded when President Franklin D. Roosevelt asked the FBI to research “subversives” in the United States, and Congress passed a series of laws increasing the types of federal crimes falling under the FBI’s jurisdiction. During World War II, the FBI was further authorized to investigate threats to national security. This loosely defined mission formed the heading under which the FBI began to investigate the civil rights movement.
The FBI initially monitored King under its Racial Matters Program, which focused on individuals and organizations involved in racial politics. Although the FBI raised concerns as early as March 1956, that King was associating with card-carrying members of the Communist Party, King’s alleged ties with communism did not become the focus of FBI investigations under the existing Communist Infiltration Program, designed to investigate groups and individuals subject to Communist infiltration, until 1962. In February 1962, Hoover told Attorney General Robert Kennedy that Stanley Levison, one of King’s closest advisors, was “a secret member of the Communist Party” (Hoover, 14 February 1962). In the following months, Hoover deployed agents to find subversive material on King, and Robert Kennedy authorized wiretaps on King’s home and Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) offices in October 1963.
Hoover responded to King’s criticisms of the Bureau’s performance in civil rights cases by announcing at a press conference in November 1964, that King was the “most notorious liar in the country” (Herbers, “Dr. King Rebuts Hoover”). Surprised by the accusation, King replied that he could only have sympathy for Hoover as he must be “under extreme pressure” to make such a statement (Herbers, “Dr. King Rebuts Hoover”). King asked an intermediary to set up a meeting between himself and Hoover to understand what had led to the comment. Andrew Young, a King aide who was present at the meeting, recalled that there was “not even an attitude of hostility” between the two, but at about this same time, the FBI anonymously sent King a compromising tape recording of him carousing in a Washington, D.C., hotel room, along with an anonymous letter that SCLC staff interpreted as encouraging King to commit suicide to avoid public embarrassment (Senate Select Committee, 167).
Hoover continued to approve investigations of King and covert operations to discredit King’s standing among financial supporters, church leaders, government officials, and the media. When King condemned the Viëtnam -oorlog in a speech at Riverside Church on 4 April 1967, the FBI “interpreted this position as proof he ‘has been influenced by Communist advisers’” and stepped up their covert operations against him (Senate Select Committee, 180). The FBI considered initiating another formal COINTELPRO against King and fellow anti-war activist Dr. Benjamin Spock in 1967, when the two were rumored to be contemplating a run for the presidency, but ruled it out on the grounds that such a program would be more effective after the pair had officially announced their candidacy.
In August 1967, the FBI created a COINTELPRO against “Black Nationalist–Hate Groups,” which targeted SCLC, King, and other civil rights leaders. King was identified as a target because the FBI believed that he could become a “messiah” who could unify black nationalists “should he abandon his supposed ‘obedience’ to ‘white liberal doctrines’ (nonviolence) and embrace black nationalism” (Senate Select Committee, 180). In the last few months of King’s life, the FBI intensified its efforts to discredit him and to “neutralize” SCLC (Senate Select Committee, 180).
According to a U.S. Senate Committee convened in the 1970s to investigate the FBI’s domestic intelligence operations, the impact of the FBI’s efforts to discredit SCLC and King on the civil rights movement “is unquestionable” (Senate Select Committee, 183). The committee determined that: “Rather than trying to discredit the alleged Communists it believed were attempting to influence Dr. King, the Bureau adopted the curious tactic of trying to discredit the supposed target of Communist Party interest—Dr. King himself” (Senate Select Committee, 85).
Though some civil rights activists were aware that they were under surveillance, they still had to rely upon the Bureau to investigate racial discrimination cases. After the passage of the Burgerregtewet van 1964 the FBI’s jurisdiction in segregation and voting rights cases expanded significantly, and the FBI’s arrests in the Mississippi triple murder case during Freedom Summer demonstrated some measure of public commitment to civil rights investigations.
After King’s assassination in 1968, the FBI successfully launched a large scale investigation to find his killer.
The shootout [ edit | wysig bron]
Relative positions of FBI agents' and suspects' vehicles after felony car stop at 12201 Southwest 82nd Avenue, Pinecrest, Miami, Florida. Illustration is not to scale.
At 8:45 a.m on April 11, 1986, a team of FBI agents led by Special Agent Gordon McNeill assembled at a Home Depot to initiate a rolling stakeout searching for the black Monte Carlo (Collazo's stolen car). The agents did not know the identity of the suspects at the time. They were acting on a hunch that the pair would attempt a robbery that morning.
A total of fourteen FBI agents in eleven cars participated in the search. Eight of these FBI agents took part in the actual shootout and were paired as follows
- Supervisory Special Agent Gordon McNeill alone in his car
- Special Agent Richard Manauzzi alone in his car
- Special Agent Benjamin Grogan, with
- Special Agent Jerry Dove
- Special Agent Edmundo Mireles, Jr., with
- Special Agent John Hanlon
- Special Agent Gilbert Orrantia, with
- Special Agent Ronald Risner
Around 9:30 a.m., agents Grogan and Dove spotted the suspect vehicle, and began to follow. Two other stakeout team cars joined them, and eventually an attempt was made to conduct a felony traffic stop of the suspects, who were forced off the road following collisions with the FBI cars of agents Grogan/Dove, agents Hanlon/Mireles and agent Manauzzi. This sent the suspect car nose first into a tree in a small parking area in front of a house at 12201 Southwest 82nd Avenue, pinned against a parked car on its passenger side and Manauzzi's car on the driver side.
Of the eight agents at the scene, two had Ithaca Model 37 shotguns in their vehicles (McNeill and Mireles), three were armed with semi-automatic Smith & Wesson Model 459 9mm pistols (Dove, Grogan, and Risner), and the rest were armed with Smith & Wesson revolvers. Two of the agents had backup handguns (Hanlon and Risner) and both would end up using them.
The initial collision that forced the suspects off the road caused some unforeseen problems for the agents, as the FBI vehicles sustained damage from the heavier, older car driven by Matix. Ε] Just prior to ramming the Monte Carlo, Manauzzi had pulled out his service revolver and placed it on the seat in anticipation of a shootout, Ε] but the force of the collision flung open his door and sent his weapon flying. Hanlon lost his .357 Magnum service revolver during the initial collision, though he was still able to fight with his Smith & Wesson Model 36 backup gun. The collision knocked off Grogan's eye glasses, and there is speculation his vision was so bad that he was unable to see clearly enough to be effective. (A claim disputed by the FBI's Medical Director, who stated that Grogan's vision was "not that bad".) Grogan, however, is credited with landing hits in the gunfight.
Manauzzi was wounded when Matix fired his shotgun and the pellets penetrated the door of Manauzzi's car. McNeill fired over the hood of Manauzzi's car but was wounded by return fire from Platt's Ruger Mini-14 rifle. Platt then fired his rifle at Mireles across the street. Mireles was hit in the left forearm, creating a severe wound. Ε] Platt then pulled back from the window, giving Matix opportunity to fire. Due to collision damage, Matix could only open his door partially, and fired one shotgun round at Grogan and Dove, striking their vehicle. Matix was then shot in the right forearm, probably by Grogan. Ζ] McNeill returned fire with six shots from his revolver, hitting Matix with two rounds in the head and neck. Matix was apparently knocked unconscious by the hits and fired no more rounds. Η] McNeill was then shot in the hand, and due to his wound and blood in his revolver's chambers, could not reload. Ε ]
As Platt climbed out of the passenger side car window, one of Dove's 9 mm rounds hit his right upper arm and went on to penetrate his chest, stopping an inch away from his heart. The autopsy found Platt’s right lung was collapsed and his chest cavity contained 1.3 liters of blood, suggesting damage to the main blood vessels of the right lung. Of his many gunshot wounds, this first was the primary injury responsible for Platt’s eventual death. ⎖] The car had come to a stop against a parked vehicle, and Platt had to climb across the hood of this vehicle, a Cutlass. As he did so, he was shot a second and third time, in the right thigh and left foot. The shots were believed to have been fired by Dove. ⎗ ]
Platt took up position by the passenger side front fender of the Cutlass. He fired a .357 Magnum revolver at agents Ronald Risner and Gilbert Orrantia, and was shot a fourth time when turning to fire at Hanlon, Dove and Grogan. The bullet, fired by Risner or Orrantia, penetrated Platt's right forearm, fractured the radius bone and exited the forearm. This wound caused Platt to drop his revolver. ⎘] It is estimated that Platt was shot a fifth time shortly afterwards, this time by Risner. The bullet penetrated Platt's right upper arm, exited below the armpit and entered his torso, stopping below his shoulder blade. The wound was not serious. ⎙ ]
Platt fired one round from his Mini-14 at Risner and Orrantia's position, wounding Orrantia with shrapnel created by the bullet's passage, and two rounds at McNeill. One round hit McNeill in the neck, causing him to collapse and leaving him paralyzed for several hours. Platt then apparently positioned the Mini-14 against his shoulder using his uninjured left hand. ⎚ ]
Dove's 9 mm pistol was rendered inoperative after being hit by one of Platt's bullets. Hanlon fired at Platt and was shot in the hand while reloading. Grogan and Dove were kneeling alongside the driver’s side of their car. Both were preoccupied with getting Dove's gun running and did not detect that Platt was aggressively advancing upon them. When Platt rounded the rear of their car he killed Grogan with a shot to the chest, shot Hanlon in the groin area and then killed Dove with two shots to the head. Platt then entered the Grogan/Dove car in an apparent attempt to flee the scene. ⎛] As Platt entered Grogan and Dove's car, Mireles, able to use only one arm, fired the first of five rounds from his pump-action shotgun, wounding Platt in both feet. Ε] At an unknown time, Matix had regained consciousness and he joined Platt in the car, entering via the passenger door. Mireles fired four more rounds at Platt and Matix, but hit neither. ⎜ ]
Around this time, Metro-Dade Police Officers Leonard Figueroa and Martin Heckman arrived. Heckman covered McNeill's paralyzed body with his own. ⎝]
Platt's actions at this moment in the fight have been debated. A civilian witness described Platt leaving the car, walking almost 20 feet and firing at Mireles three times at close range. Mireles does not remember this happening. Officer Heckman does not remember Platt leaving the Grogan/Dove car. Risner and Orrantia, observing from the other side of the street, stated that they did not see Platt leave the car and fire at Mireles. ⎞] However, it is known for certain that Platt pulled Matix's Dan Wesson revolver at some point and fired three rounds. ⎚] ⎟]
Platt attempted to start the Grogan/Dove car. Mireles drew his .357 Magnum revolver, moved parallel to the street and then directly toward Platt and Matix. Mireles fired six rounds at the suspects. The first round missed, hitting the back of the front seat. The second hit the driver's side window post and fragmented, with one small piece hitting Platt in the scalp. The third hit Matix in the face, and fragmented in two, with neither piece causing a serious wound. The fourth hit Matix in the face next to his right eye socket, travelled downward through the facial bones, into the neck, where it entered the spinal column and severed the spinal cord. The fifth hit Matix in the face, penetrated the jaw bone and neck and came to rest by the spinal column. ⎠] Mireles reached the driver's side door, extended his revolver through the window, and fired his sixth shot at Platt. The bullet penetrated Platt's chest and bruised the spinal cord, ending the gunfight. ⎡ ]
The shootout involved ten people: two suspects and eight FBI agents. Of the ten, only one, Special Agent Manauzzi, did not fire any shots (firearm thrown from car in initial collision), while only one, Special Agent Risner, was able to emerge from the battle without a wound. The incident lasted under five minutes yet approximately 145 shots were exchanged. Ε] ⎢]
Toxicology tests showed that the abilities of Platt and Matix to fight through multiple traumatic gunshot wounds and continue to battle and attempt to escape were not achieved through any chemical means. Both of their bodies were drug-free at the time of their deaths. ⎣ ]
The History Of The FBI's Secret 'Enemies' List
J. Edgar Hoover was the first director of the FBI. He introduced fingerprinting and forensic techniques to the crime-fighting agency, and pushed for stronger federal laws to punish criminals who strayed across state lines. He also kept secret files on more than 20,000 Americans he deemed "subversive." Anonymous/Library of Congress steek onderskrif weg
J. Edgar Hoover was the first director of the FBI. He introduced fingerprinting and forensic techniques to the crime-fighting agency, and pushed for stronger federal laws to punish criminals who strayed across state lines. He also kept secret files on more than 20,000 Americans he deemed "subversive."
Anonymous/Library of Congress
Four years after Pulitzer Prize-winning writer Tim Weiner published Legacy of Ashes, his detailed history of the CIA, he received a call from a lawyer in Washington, D.C.
"He said, 'I've just gotten my hands on a Freedom of Information Act request that's 26 years old for [FBI Director] J. Edgar Hoover's intelligence files. Would you like them?' " Weiner tells Vars lugse Terry Gross. "And after a stunned silence, I said, 'Yes, yes.' "
Weiner went to the lawyer's office and collected four boxes containing Hoover's personal files on intelligence operations between 1945 and 1972.
"Reading them is like looking over [Hoover's] shoulder and listening to him talk out loud about the threats America faced, how the FBI was going to confront them," he says. "Hoover had a terrible premonition after World War II that America was going to be attacked — that New York or Washington was going to be attacked by suicidal, kamikaze airplanes, by dirty bombs . and he never lost this fear."
Weiner's new book, Enemies: A History of the FBI, traces the history of the FBI's secret intelligence operations, from the bureau's creation in the early 20 th century through its ongoing fight in the current war on terrorism. He explains how Hoover's increasing concerns about communist threats against the United States led to the FBI's secret intelligence operations against anyone deemed "subversive."
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Secrecy And The Red Raids
Weiner details how Hoover became increasingly worried about communist threats against the United States. Even before he became director of the FBI, Hoover was conducting secret intelligence operations against U.S. citizens he suspected were anarchists, radical leftists or communists. After a series of anarchist bombings went off across the United States in 1919, Hoover sent five agents to infiltrate the newly formed Communist Party.
"From that day forward, he planned a nationwide dragnet of mass arrests to round up subversives, round up communists, round up Russian aliens — as if he were quarantining carriers of typhoid," Weiner says.
On Jan. 1, 1920, Hoover sent out the arrest orders, and at least 6,000 people were arrested and detained throughout the country.
"When the dust cleared, maybe 1 in 10 was found guilty of a deportable offense," says Weiner. "Hoover denied — at the time and until his death — that he had been the intellectual author of the Red Raids."
Hoover, Attorney General Mitchell Palmer and Secretary of the Navy Franklin Delano Roosevelt all came under attack for their role in the raids.
"It left a lifelong imprint on Hoover," says Weiner. "If he was going to attack the enemies of the United States, better that it be done in secret and not under law. Because to convict people in court, you have to [reveal] your evidence, [but] when you're doing secret intelligence operations, you just have to sabotage and subvert them and steal their secrets — you don't have to produce evidence capable of discovery by the other side. That could embarrass you or get the case thrown out — because you had gone outside the law to enforce the law."
Hoover started amassing secret intelligence on "enemies of the United States" — a list that included terrorists, communists, spies — or anyone Hoover or the FBI had deemed subversive.
Hoover saw Martin Luther King Jr. as an "enemy of the state," says author Tim Weiner. Express Newspapers/Getty Images steek onderskrif weg
Hoover saw Martin Luther King Jr. as an "enemy of the state," says author Tim Weiner.
Express Newspapers/Getty Images
The Civil Rights Movement
Later on, anti-war protesters and civil rights leaders were added to Hoover's list.
"Hoover saw the civil rights movement from the 1950s onward and the anti-war movement from the 1960s onward, as presenting the greatest threats to the stability of the American government since the Civil War," he says. "These people were enemies of the state, and in particular Martin Luther King [Jr.] was an enemy of the state. And Hoover aimed to watch over them. If they twitched in the wrong direction, the hammer would come down."
Hoover was intent on planting bugs around civil rights leaders — including King — because he thought communists had infiltrated the civil rights movement, says Weiner. Hoover had his intelligence chief bug King's bedroom, and then sent the civil rights leader a copy of the sex recordings his intelligence chief had taken of King — along with an anonymous letter from the FBI.
"It was a poison pen letter, it was a hate letter it wasn't from anyone in particular, but Martin Luther King and his wife would certainly know the source of the tapes, that it had to be the FBI," says Weiner. "And the poison pen letter read: 'King, look into your heart. The American people would know you for what you are — an evil, abnormal beast. There is only one way out for you. You better take it before your filthy, abnormal fraudulent self is bared to the nation.' "
Weiner says King ignored the letter, even as the FBI tried diligently to defame him.
"They were trying to get King knocked off from his perch as the Nobel Peace Prize recipient," he says. "They sent [the tapes] to colleges to keep him off campus, they sent it around Washington."
It was Hoover, says Weiner, who decided that bugging King's bedroom was necessary.
"When it came down to bugging bedrooms, you had to be careful not to get caught, but there wasn't anything to stop him," says Weiner. "He decided up to a point . where the boundaries of the law [were] when it came to black bag jobs, break-ins, bugging, surveillance, the constitutionality of gathering secret intelligence on America's enemies — both real and imagined."
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On J. Edgar Hoover's legacy
"Hoover is the inventor of the modern American national security state. Every fingerprint file, every DNA record, every iris recorded through biometrics, every government dossier on every citizen and alien in this country owes its life to him. We live in his shadow, though he's been gone for 40 years. As they always told the agents at the FBI academy when they were training, 'An institution is the length and shadow of a man.' "
On Robert Kennedy authorizing Hoover's plan to bug Martin Luther King Jr.
"Hoover had come to Bobby Kennedy and President Kennedy and said, 'Look, Stanley Levinson — King's adviser — is a communist. He's a secret communist, he's an underground communist, and he's using Martin Luther King as a cat's paw.' Well, when you put it that way, you weren't gainsaying Hoover if you were John or Bobby Kennedy. So they said yes."
On why Hoover asked Roosevelt for "unlimited powers"
"Hoover did not want any limits. He wanted no charter, no rules. He wanted the FBI to investigate the so-and-so's. And he believed that the Soviet Union was trying to steal America's atomic secrets, to burrow into the State Department, the Pentagon, the FBI and the White House — and he was right."
On Hoover's list of gays in government
"Hoover's war on gays in the government dates back to 1937 and lasted all his life. He conflated — and he was not alone — communism with homosexuality. Both communists and homosexuals had secret coded language that they spoke to each other, and they had clandestine lives, they met in clandestine places, they had secrets. And in certain cases, such as the British spy ring that penetrated the Pentagon in the 1940s and early 1950s, they were both communists and homosexuals. Hoover didn't see a dime's worth of difference there. They were one and the same. This was hammered into him when the FBI dealt with one of the most famous informants — Whittaker Chambers — who helped bring down secret Soviet espionage rings in this country. He was a well-known writer at Tyd tydskrif. Chambers was a secret homosexual and a secret communist. Hoover saw a nexus there, and he never let that thought go."
On Hoover's relationship with President Nixon
"It was deep. It was based on mutual respect and dependency. And then it broke down during the last year and a half of Hoover's life — around the time that Nixon turns on the White House tapes and starts bugging himself. Nixon wants his enemies destroyed — all of them. Hoover is no longer willing to do his dirty work for him — his black bag jobs, his breaking and entering, his bugging. Nixon becomes increasingly frustrated with this and he sets up his own bucket shop — the plumbers. Six weeks after Hoover dies, they get caught breaking into the Watergate."